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4/15/2025: U.S. House District Analysis -- What Are "PVIs"? [RightDataUSA]

Not all House districts are created equally, in partisan terms. Some are designed to elect Democrats, some are designed to elect Republicans, and a comparatively small handful could go either way. When U.S. House elections roll around, as a couple of special ones did in Florida earlier this month, there is a desire to quantify districts so that people can anticipate the outcomes. Does Candidate A have any chance at all against Candidate B? How close should the race be? Could there plausibly be an upset?

Analysts often describe the direction (and degree) to which a House district leans by referring to something called a PVI, which stands for Partisan Voting Index. Here is a rare example of an unbiased and almost factual statement (which references PVIs) from a typically biased article published by a thoroughly left-wing source:

    "The Cook Political Report's partisan voting index (PVI) classifies both [Florida special election] districts as Republican-favored, with FL-1 as R+22 and FL-6 as R+7."

On April 1, Republican Jimmy Patronis won the special election in FL-1 by a margin of 14.6%; Republican Randy Fine won the special election in FL-6 by 14.0%.

[The left-wing article had the FL-6 number wrong; it should have been R+14 and not R+7. You'd think they would want to be especially accurate here, in order to make their party's "moral victory" not appear to be such a small one.]



So what is all this "R+" stuff?

It's nomenclature created by political analyst Charlie Cook, for the purpose of evaluating House districts; Cook claims to have published the first such data in the late 1990s. His evaluations, which are known as PVIs, are considered to be the gold standard for district ratings. When you see how they are created, you may find yourself wondering why they hold such a lofty status.

From Cook's website: "The Cook Partisan Voter Index measures how partisan a district or a state is compared to the nation as a whole. A Cook PVI score of D+2, for example, means that district performed an average of two points more Democratic than the nation did as a whole, while an R+4 means the district performed four points more Republican."

These ratings are not merely measures of past performance; they are also imbued with predictive value and are used to answer questions about future elections in House districts, questions such as the ones in the opening paragraph of this commentary.

A slightly more detailed explanation of the calculation comes from Wikipedia: "The [PVI] looks at how every congressional district voted in the past two presidential elections combined and compares it to the national average. The Cook PVI is displayed as a letter, a plus sign, and a number, with the letter indicating the party that outperformed in the district and the number showing how many percentage points above the national average it received."

We emphasized part of that last sentence because the vast majority of people who throw around PVIs are clueless about the actual meaning of the numbers, and misinterpret them entirely. This misinterpretation is not of tremendous import as long as the numbers are merely being compared to each other, which after all is their primary purpose. In the above example FL-1 is obviously a more Republican-leaning district than FL-6. Even those who are mathematically-challenged are capable of understanding that 22 is a larger number than 7 (or even 14), though they have no idea -- or the wrong idea -- of what the "22" means or how that number was calculated.


Florida congressional district 1

Let us illustrate. Both Republicans on April 1st won easily in their respective Florida special elections, however given the lean of their districts they appear to have underachieved. This enabled the media and other Democrats to claim hollow "moral" victories in the wake of Democrat defeats, because the GOP candidates did not obliterate their liberal rivals by as much as they were supposed to.

Nevermind that at least one feverish poll in late March -- this one by the rabidly liberal "St. Pete Polls" -- was gleefully anticipating a possible actual Democrat victory in FL-6 and not merely a moral one. Sounds more like the Democrat was really the true underachiever in that case, seeing as how he ended up losing by almost 15 points; but only if you believe polls which are published in the liberal media for no purpose other than gaslighting -- energizing Democrat voters and attempting to suppress Republican turnout. The gaslighting in Florida, along with astronomical Democrat funding by wealthy out-of-state contributors, certainly did have an effect on these outcomes.

How do we know how much the two Republicans were "supposed to" win by? The PVI of the districts tells us.

Using FL-1 as an example, its rating of R+22 does not mean "a Republican typically wins this district by 22 points". What R+22 does mean is "a Republican in this district typically does 22 points better than average". Those are hardly equivalent statements.

In any 2-way race the average is 50%. If the Republican does 22 points better than average, he gets 72% of the vote. Which means the Democrat gets 28%. The Republican therefore does not win by a margin of only 22% in a typical 2-way race in an R+22 district; he wins by 44%. Winning by only 14%, as Patronis did in FL-1, was indeed a substantial underachievement. Sub-par Republican performance is a regular occurrence in special elections and, as we have pointed out many times, does not necessarily portend anything for the future. Neither FL-1 nor FL-6 are suddenly lurching leftward, and even the Democrats know it.


Florida congressional district 6

Randy Fine won FL-6 (PVI of R+14) by exactly 14 points, which sounds like a precisely typical result there. But R+14 does not mean the Republican should win by 14%; it means the Republican should win by 28%. So yeah, another "moral defeat" (LOL) for the GOP. Once again, this outcome is not a harbinger of future performance. In November of 2026 the GOP will win that district every bit as easily as it usually does, and Democrats will not be pissing $10 million of billionaires' money down the drain as they did a few weeks ago, no matter how easily they can afford to do so.



The Cook Political Report (CPR) has lately decided to charge a fee for up-to-date district ratings, which is a shame (for those who actually fork over cash) because their ratings are based on very limited data, and that data contains an overwhelming bias in the logical sense as opposed to the partisan sense. Anyone who has the time, the ability, and the underlying data can calculate PVIs that are not only free of charge, but which are more accurate if based on a wider range of relevant data.

The Cook Political Report's current bias can be summarized as "All Republican candidates are Donald Trump". Does that sound like a good assumption to make? Democrat campaign coordinators and their media allies surely agree with Cook, but sensible folks would dispute his assertion.

The CPR looks at two -- just two -- points of data for every congressional district in the country, and then anoints the districts with their sacred ratings based on that meager amount of data. The two data points are these, currently:
  • 2020 presidential election result in the district
  • 2024 presidential election result in the district

Astute observers will notice that the one and only Republican in this sample is Donald J. Trump. Thus, Cook is determining district ratings based solely on how much that district voted for or against President Trump. Does an affinity or a hatred for Trump all by itself determine exactly how other Republican candidates -- the ones in U.S. House races -- will fare in their specific districts? What kind of idiot would assume that it does?

Below we provide the RightDataUSA.com PVI ratings, without any fee, for every U.S. House district in the country. Our ratings are likely to be similar but hardly identical to the "official" Cook PVIs (we don't know and we aren't paying to find out), because our ratings are based not only on the last two presidential elections but also on many other recent statewide elections. In the table, the "2024 Result" is the percentage which the victorious House candidate received in the November, 2024 election.


Map of 2026 battleground districts, created using mapchart.net

First, a note about the most competitive districts: Battleground districts are highlighted in the map above and in the table of all House districts which appears further down this page. It is unusual for a House member to win election in a district which tilts 6 points or more towards the opposite party although it does occasionally happen, so we define a "battleground" district as one in the range from D+5 through R+5. When upsets occur in House elections, they normally take place in these marginal districts, and therefore aren't truly "upsets".

Twelve House districts flipped (switched from one party to the other) in the 2024 House elections, not counting those flips which were solely caused by 2024 redistricting. We omit the court-ordered gerrymandered Democrat victories in AL-2 and LA-6. We also exclude the three North Carolina districts in which Democrats were replaced by Republicans after the N.C. Supreme Court discarded a couple of Democrat gerrymanders and allowed the state legislature to handle the drawing of the district map in accordance with state law. The previous Democrat-controlled court had appropriated that task for itself in 2020 and 2022. Here are our ratings for the other 12 flippers:

  • AK-at large (went from D to R): R+5
  • CA-13 (R to D): even
  • CA-27 (R to D): D+2
  • CA-45 (R to D): even
  • CO-08 (D to R): D+1
  • MI-07 (D to R): D+2
  • NY-04 (R to D): D+5
  • NY-19 (R to D): D+1
  • NY-22 (R to D): D+4
  • OR-05 (R to D): D+2
  • PA-07 (D to R): D+1
  • PA-08 (D to R): even

In three cases above (CO-08, MI-07 and PA-07) the district is currently held by the "wrong" party -- the one which voters normally do not favor in statewide elections. You can bet that these three, plus other similar districts, are the ones which the national parties will have at the very top of their target lists in 2026. Those other similar districts are:
  • AZ-01 (Schweikert): D+1
  • AZ-06 (Ciscomani): D+2
  • CA-21 (Valadao): D+1
  • ME-02 (Golden): R+3
  • MI-10 (James): D+1
  • NE-02 (Bacon): D+2
  • NH-01 (Pappas): R+2
  • NH-02 (Goodlander): R+1
  • NY-17 (Lawler): D+4
  • OH-09 (Kaptur): R+1
  • PA-01 (Fitzpatrick): D+3

Based on the above lists, there is much more low-hanging fruit for Democrats to pick off in 2026 than there is for Republicans. Not to mention the two Republicans in already-marginal districts (Brian Steil, Derrick Van Orden) who are destined for extinction by the upcoming court-ordered Democrat gerrymander in Wisconsin. These are not the only districts which have a chance of flipping in 2026. In order to maintain control of the House, Republicans will need to hold on to a significant majority of their most vulnerable seats and perhaps achieve a small number of pickups of Democrat-held seats. They narrowly succeeded in 2024, but it will be more difficult in '26.

District Our PVI 2024 Winner 2024 Result
AK-00 R+5 Nick Begich III (R) 51.2%
AL-01 R+28 Barry Moore (R) 78.4%
AL-02 D+3 Shomari Figures (D) 54.6%
AL-03 R+23 Mike Rogers (R) 97.9%
AL-04 R+33 Robert Aderholt (R) 98.8%
AL-05 R+16 Dale Strong (R) 95.4%
AL-06 R+22 Gary Palmer (R) 70.3%
AL-07 D+12 Terri Sewell (D) 63.7%
AR-01 R+20 Rick Crawford (R) 72.9%
AR-02 R+8 French Hill (R) 58.9%
AR-03 R+14 Steve Womack (R) 63.8%
AR-04 R+18 Bruce Westerman (R) 72.9%
AZ-01 D+2 David Schweikert (R) 51.9%
AZ-02 R+4 Eli Crane (R) 54.5%
AZ-03 D+25 Yassamin Ansari (D) 70.9%
AZ-04 D+6 Greg Stanton (D) 52.7%
AZ-05 R+7 Andy Biggs (R) 60.4%
AZ-06 D+2 Juan Ciscomani (R) 50.0%
AZ-07 D+16 Raul Grijalva (D) 63.4%
AZ-08 R+6 Abe Hamadeh (R) 56.5%
AZ-09 R+13 Paul Gosar (R) 65.3%
CA-01 R+13 Doug LaMalfa (R) 65.3%
CA-02 D+22 Jared Huffman (D) 71.9%
CA-03 R+4 Kevin Kiley (R) 55.5%
CA-04 D+15 Mike Thompson (D) 66.5%
CA-05 R+10 Tom McClintock (R) 61.8%
CA-06 D+6 Ami Bera (D) 57.6%
CA-07 D+15 Doris Matsui (D) 66.8%
CA-08 D+24 John Garamendi (D) 74.0%
CA-09 D+1 Josh Harder (D) 51.8%
CA-10 D+16 Mark DeSaulnier (D) 66.5%
CA-11 D+36 Nancy Pelosi (D) 81.0%
CA-12 D+40 Lateefah Simon (D) 65.4%
CA-13 even Adam Gray (D) 50.0%
CA-14 D+19 Eric Swalwell (D) 67.8%
CA-15 D+26 Kevin Mullin (D) 73.1%
CA-16 D+23 Sam Liccardo (D) 58.2%
CA-17 D+21 Ro Khanna (D) 67.7%
CA-18 D+18 Zoe Lofgren (D) 64.6%
CA-19 D+17 Jimmy Panetta (D) 69.3%
CA-20 R+17 Vince Fong (R) 65.1%
CA-21 D+4 Jim Costa (D) 52.6%
CA-22 D+1 David Valadao (R) 53.4%
CA-23 R+9 Jay Obernolte (R) 60.1%
CA-24 D+11 Salud Carbajal (D) 62.7%
CA-25 D+4 Raul Ruiz (D) 56.3%
CA-26 D+5 Julia Brownley (D) 56.1%
CA-27 D+2 George Whitesides (D) 51.3%
CA-28 D+14 Judy Chu (D) 64.9%
CA-29 D+24 Luz Rivas (D) 69.8%
CA-30 D+25 Laura Friedman (D) 68.4%
CA-31 D+11 Gil Cisneros (D) 59.7%
CA-32 D+18 Brad Sherman (D) 66.2%
CA-33 D+8 Pete Aguilar (D) 58.8%
CA-34 D+32 Jimmy Gomez (D) 55.6%
CA-35 D+9 Norma Torres (D) 58.4%
CA-36 D+19 Ted Lieu (D) 68.7%
CA-37 D+35 Sydney Kamlager-Dove (D) 78.3%
CA-38 D+11 Linda Sanchez (D) 59.8%
CA-39 D+8 Mark Takano (D) 56.7%
CA-40 R+4 Young Kim (R) 55.3%
CA-41 R+4 Ken Calvert (R) 51.7%
CA-42 D+19 Robert Garcia (D) 68.1%
CA-43 D+29 Maxine Waters (D) 75.1%
CA-44 D+21 Nanette Barragan (D) 71.4%
CA-45 even Derek Tran (D) 50.1%
CA-46 D+12 Lou Correa (D) 63.4%
CA-47 D+2 Dave Min (D) 51.4%
CA-48 R+10 Darrell Issa (R) 59.3%
CA-49 D+2 Mike Levin (D) 52.2%
CA-50 D+13 Scott Peters (D) 64.3%
CA-51 D+11 Sara Jacobs (D) 60.7%
CA-52 D+15 Juan Vargas (D) 66.3%
CO-01 D+30 Diana DeGette (D) 76.6%
CO-02 D+19 Joe Neguse (D) 68.4%
CO-03 R+3 Jeff Hurd (R) 50.8%
CO-04 R+10 Lauren Boebert (R) 53.6%
CO-05 R+6 Jeff Crank (R) 54.7%
CO-06 D+10 Jason Crow (D) 59.0%
CO-07 D+7 Brittany Pettersen (D) 55.3%
CO-08 D+1 Gabe Evans (R) 49.0%
CT-01 D+11 John Larson (D) 63.1%
CT-02 D+3 Joe Courtney (D) 58.0%
CT-03 D+7 Rosa DeLauro (D) 58.9%
CT-04 D+11 Jim Himes (D) 61.1%
CT-05 D+2 Jahana Hayes (D) 53.4%
DE-00 D+9 Sarah McBride (D) 57.9%
FL-01 R+21 Matt Gaetz (R) 66.0%
FL-02 R+8 Neal Dunn (R) 61.6%
FL-03 R+10 Kat Cammack (R) 61.6%
FL-04 R+7 Aaron Bean (R) 57.3%
FL-05 R+12 John Rutherford (R) 63.1%
FL-06 R+14 Michael Waltz (R) 66.5%
FL-07 R+6 Cory Mills (R) 56.5%
FL-08 R+12 Mike Haridopolos (R) 62.2%
FL-09 D+5 Darren Soto (D) 55.1%
FL-10 D+12 Maxwell Frost (D) 62.4%
FL-11 R+9 Daniel Webster (R) 60.4%
FL-12 R+16 Gus Bilirakis (R) 71.0%
FL-13 R+6 Anna Paulina Luna (R) 54.8%
FL-14 D+5 Kathy Castor (D) 56.9%
FL-15 R+5 Laurel Lee (R) 56.2%
FL-16 R+8 Vern Buchanan (R) 59.5%
FL-17 R+11 Greg Steube (R) 63.9%
FL-18 R+15 Scott Franklin (R) 65.3%
FL-19 R+16 Byron Donalds (R) 66.3%
FL-20 D+24 Sheila Cherfilus-McCormick (D) 100.0%
FL-21 R+8 Brian Mast (R) 61.8%
FL-22 D+6 Lois Frankel (D) 55.0%
FL-23 D+4 Jared Moskowitz (D) 52.4%
FL-24 D+23 Frederica Wilson (D) 68.2%
FL-25 D+8 Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D) 54.5%
FL-26 R+13 Mario Diaz-Balart (R) 70.9%
FL-27 R+3 Maria Salazar (R) 60.4%
FL-28 R+7 Carlos Gimenez (R) 64.6%
GA-01 R+8 Buddy Carter (R) 62.0%
GA-02 D+5 Sanford Bishop (D) 56.3%
GA-03 R+16 Brian Jack (R) 66.3%
GA-04 D+29 Hank Johnson (D) 75.6%
GA-05 D+36 Nikema Williams (D) 85.7%
GA-06 D+25 Lucy McBath (D) 74.7%
GA-07 R+12 Rich McCormick (R) 64.9%
GA-08 R+15 Austin Scott (R) 68.9%
GA-09 R+18 Andrew Clyde (R) 69.0%
GA-10 R+11 Mike Collins (R) 63.1%
GA-11 R+12 Barry Loudermilk (R) 67.3%
GA-12 R+7 Rick Allen (R) 60.3%
GA-13 D+22 David Scott (D) 71.8%
GA-14 R+19 Marjorie Taylor Greene (R) 64.4%
HI-01 D+17 Ed Case (D) 71.8%
HI-02 D+16 Jill Tokuda (D) 66.5%
IA-01 R+2 Mariannette Miller-Meeks (R) 50.0%
IA-02 R+3 Ashley Hinson (R) 57.1%
IA-03 even Zach Nunn (R) 51.8%
IA-04 R+14 Randy Feenstra (R) 67.0%
ID-01 R+19 Russ Fulcher (R) 71.0%
ID-02 R+11 Mike Simpson (R) 61.4%
IL-01 D+19 Jonathan Jackson (D) 65.8%
IL-02 D+18 Robin Kelly (D) 67.5%
IL-03 D+19 Delia Ramirez (D) 67.3%
IL-04 D+20 Jesus "Chuy" Garcia (D) 67.5%
IL-05 D+20 Mike Quigley (D) 69.0%
IL-06 D+5 Sean Casten (D) 54.2%
IL-07 D+35 Danny Davis (D) 83.3%
IL-08 D+6 Raja Krishnamoorthi (D) 57.1%
IL-09 D+21 Jan Schakowsky (D) 68.4%
IL-10 D+12 Brad Schneider (D) 59.9%
IL-11 D+6 Bill Foster (D) 55.6%
IL-12 R+21 Mike Bost (R) 74.2%
IL-13 D+6 Nikki Budzinski (D) 58.1%
IL-14 D+5 Lauren Underwood (D) 55.1%
IL-15 R+19 Mary Miller (R) 99.5%
IL-16 R+12 Darin LaHood (R) 99.9%
IL-17 D+3 Eric Sorensen (D) 54.4%
IN-01 D+4 Frank Mrvan (D) 53.4%
IN-02 R+12 Rudy Yakym (R) 62.7%
IN-03 R+16 Marlin Stutzman (R) 65.0%
IN-04 R+15 Jim Baird (R) 64.8%
IN-05 R+10 Victoria Spartz (R) 56.6%
IN-06 R+16 Jefferson Shreve (R) 63.9%
IN-07 D+19 Andre Carson (D) 68.3%
IN-08 R+16 Mark Messmer (R) 68.0%
IN-09 R+14 Erin Houchin (R) 64.5%
KS-01 R+12 Tracey Mann (R) 69.1%
KS-02 R+6 Derek Schmidt (R) 57.1%
KS-03 D+4 Sharice Davids (D) 53.4%
KS-04 R+9 Ron Estes (R) 65.0%
KY-01 R+19 James Comer (R) 74.7%
KY-02 R+14 Brett Guthrie (R) 73.1%
KY-03 D+13 Morgan McGarvey (D) 61.9%
KY-04 R+13 Thomas Massie (R) 99.6%
KY-05 R+24 Harold Rogers (R) 100.0%
KY-06 R+2 Andy Barr (R) 63.4%
LA-01 R+19 Steve Scalise (R) 66.8%
LA-02 D+16 Troy Carter (D) 60.3%
LA-03 R+23 Clay Higgins (R) 70.6%
LA-04 R+25 Mike Johnson (R) 85.8%
LA-05 R+17 Julia Letlow (R) 62.9%
LA-06 D+8 Cleo Fields (D) 50.8%
MA-01 D+8 Richard Neal (D) 62.4%
MA-02 D+13 James McGovern (D) 68.6%
MA-03 D+11 Lori Trahan (D) 97.5%
MA-04 D+11 Jake Auchincloss (D) 97.4%
MA-05 D+23 Katherine Clark (D) 98.2%
MA-06 D+11 Seth Moulton (D) 97.8%
MA-07 D+34 Ayanna Pressley (D) 97.1%
MA-08 D+14 Stephen Lynch (D) 70.4%
MA-09 D+6 William Keating (D) 56.4%
MD-01 R+9 Andy Harris (R) 59.4%
MD-02 D+9 Johnny Olszewski (D) 58.2%
MD-03 D+10 Sarah Elfreth (D) 59.3%
MD-04 D+39 Glenn Ivey (D) 88.4%
MD-05 D+16 Steny Hoyer (D) 67.8%
MD-06 D+2 April Delaney (D) 53.0%
MD-07 D+31 Kweisi Mfume (D) 80.3%
MD-08 D+29 Jamie Raskin (D) 76.8%
ME-01 D+10 Chellie Pingree (D) 58.7%
ME-02 R+3 Jared Golden (D) 50.3%
MI-01 R+8 Jack Bergman (R) 59.2%
MI-02 R+13 John Moolenaar (R) 65.1%
MI-03 D+4 Hillary Scholten (D) 53.7%
MI-04 R+3 Bill Huizenga (R) 55.1%
MI-05 R+11 Tim Walberg (R) 65.7%
MI-06 D+14 Debbie Dingell (D) 62.0%
MI-07 D+2 Tom Barrett (R) 50.3%
MI-08 D+2 Kristen McDonald-Rivet (D) 51.3%
MI-09 R+13 Lisa McClain (R) 66.8%
MI-10 D+1 John James (R) 51.1%
MI-11 D+11 Haley Stevens (D) 58.2%
MI-12 D+23 Rashida Tlaib (D) 69.7%
MI-13 D+24 Shri Thanedar (D) 68.6%
MN-01 R+4 Brad Finstad (R) 58.5%
MN-02 D+3 Angie Craig (DFL) 55.5%
MN-03 D+10 Kelly Morrison (DFL) 58.4%
MN-04 D+18 Betty McCollum (DFL) 67.3%
MN-05 D+31 Ilhan Omar (DFL) 74.4%
MN-06 R+9 Tom Emmer (R) 62.4%
MN-07 R+16 Michelle Fischbach (R) 70.4%
MN-08 R+5 Pete Stauber (R) 58.0%
MO-01 D+28 Wesley Bell (D) 75.9%
MO-02 R+5 Ann Wagner (R) 54.5%
MO-03 R+14 Bob Onder (R) 61.3%
MO-04 R+20 Mark Alford (R) 71.1%
MO-05 D+12 Emanuel Cleaver (D) 60.2%
MO-06 R+19 Sam Graves (R) 70.7%
MO-07 R+21 Eric Burlison (R) 71.6%
MO-08 R+26 Jason Smith (R) 76.2%
MS-01 R+15 Trent Kelly (R) 69.8%
MS-02 D+13 Bennie Thompson (D) 62.0%
MS-03 R+11 Michael Guest (R) 100.0%
MS-04 R+18 Mike Ezell (R) 73.9%
MT-01 R+3 Ryan Zinke (R) 52.3%
MT-02 R+12 Troy Downing (R) 66.0%
NC-01 D+1 Don Davis (D) 49.5%
NC-02 D+19 Deborah Ross (D) 66.3%
NC-03 R+8 Greg Murphy (R) 77.4%
NC-04 D+24 Valerie Foushee (D) 71.8%
NC-05 R+6 Virginia Foxx (R) 59.5%
NC-06 R+6 Addison McDowell (R) 69.2%
NC-07 R+4 David Rouzer (R) 58.6%
NC-08 R+7 Mark Harris (R) 59.6%
NC-09 R+5 Richard Hudson (R) 56.3%
NC-10 R+7 Pat Harrigan (R) 57.5%
NC-11 R+3 Chuck Edwards (R) 56.8%
NC-12 D+25 Alma Adams (D) 74.0%
NC-13 R+6 Brad Knott (R) 58.6%
NC-14 R+6 Tim Moore (R) 58.1%
ND-00 R+18 Julie Fedorchak (R) 69.2%
NE-01 R+5 Mike Flood (R) 60.1%
NE-02 D+2 Don Bacon (R) 50.9%
NE-03 R+25 Adrian Smith (R) 80.4%
NH-01 R+2 Chris Pappas (D) 54.0%
NH-02 R+1 Maggie Goodlander (D) 52.9%
NJ-01 D+11 Donald Norcross (D) 57.7%
NJ-02 R+5 Jeff Van Drew (R) 58.3%
NJ-03 D+5 Herb Conaway (D) 53.2%
NJ-04 R+13 Chris Smith (R) 67.4%
NJ-05 D+3 Josh Gottheimer (D) 54.6%
NJ-06 D+7 Frank Pallone (D) 56.1%
NJ-07 R+2 Tom Kean, Jr. (R) 51.9%
NJ-08 D+23 Rob Menendez (D) 59.2%
NJ-09 D+8 Nellie Pou (D) 50.8%
NJ-10 D+30 LaMonica McIver (D) 74.4%
NJ-11 D+5 Mikie Sherrill (D) 56.5%
NJ-12 D+14 Bonnie Watson Coleman (D) 61.1%
NM-01 D+6 Melanie Stansbury (D) 56.4%
NM-02 D+1 Gabriel Vasquez (D) 52.1%
NM-03 D+5 Teresa Fernandez (D) 56.3%
NV-01 D+4 Dina Titus (D) 52.0%
NV-02 R+5 Mark Amodei (R) 55.0%
NV-03 D+2 Susie Lee (D) 51.4%
NV-04 D+3 Steven Horsford (D) 52.7%
NY-01 R+3 Nick LaLota (R) 55.2%
NY-02 R+4 Andrew Garbarino (R) 59.7%
NY-03 D+3 Thomas Suozzi (D) 51.7%
NY-04 D+5 Laura Gillen (D) 51.1%
NY-05 D+28 Gregory Meeks (D) 72.7%
NY-06 D+13 Grace Meng (D) 60.5%
NY-07 D+31 Nydia Velazquez (D) 77.9%
NY-08 D+28 Hakeem Jeffries (D) 75.1%
NY-09 D+27 Yvette Clarke (D) 73.5%
NY-10 D+35 Daniel Goldman (D) 81.0%
NY-11 R+6 Nicole Malliotakis (R) 63.8%
NY-12 D+33 Jerrold Nadler (D) 80.3%
NY-13 D+37 Adriano Espaillat (D) 83.0%
NY-14 D+26 Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D) 68.9%
NY-15 D+34 Ritchie Torres (D) 76.2%
NY-16 D+20 George Latimer (D) 71.3%
NY-17 D+4 Mike Lawler (R) 52.1%
NY-18 D+3 Pat Ryan (D) 57.1%
NY-19 D+1 Josh Riley (D) 51.1%
NY-20 D+6 Paul Tonko (D) 61.1%
NY-21 R+10 Elise Stefanik (R) 62.0%
NY-22 D+4 John Mannion (D) 54.5%
NY-23 R+11 Nick Langworthy (R) 65.8%
NY-24 R+12 Claudia Tenney (R) 65.6%
NY-25 D+7 Joseph Morelle (D) 60.8%
NY-26 D+11 Timothy Kennedy (D) 65.1%
OH-01 D+2 Greg Landsman (D) 54.6%
OH-02 R+21 David Taylor (R) 73.6%
OH-03 D+20 Joyce Beatty (D) 70.7%
OH-04 R+17 Jim Jordan (R) 68.5%
OH-05 R+12 Bob Latta (R) 67.5%
OH-06 R+13 Michael Rulli (R) 66.7%
OH-07 R+4 Max Miller (R) 51.1%
OH-08 R+12 Warren Davidson (R) 62.8%
OH-09 R+1 Marcy Kaptur (D) 48.3%
OH-10 R+3 Mike Turner (R) 57.6%
OH-11 D+28 Shontel Brown (D) 78.3%
OH-12 R+15 Troy Balderson (R) 68.5%
OH-13 D+1 Emilia Sykes (D) 51.1%
OH-14 R+6 David Joyce (R) 63.4%
OH-15 R+4 Mike Carey (R) 56.5%
OK-01 R+8 Kevin Hern (R) 60.4%
OK-02 R+22 Josh Brecheen (R) 74.2%
OK-03 R+18 Frank Lucas (R) 100.0%
OK-04 R+12 Tom Cole (R) 65.2%
OK-05 R+6 Stephanie Bice (R) 60.7%
OR-01 D+17 Suzanne Bonamici (D) 68.6%
OR-02 R+14 Cliff Bentz (R) 63.9%
OR-03 D+22 Maxine Dexter (D) 67.7%
OR-04 D+5 Val Hoyle (D) 51.7%
OR-05 D+2 Janelle Bynum (D) 47.7%
OR-06 D+4 Andrea Salinas (D) 53.3%
PA-01 D+3 Brian Fitzpatrick (R) 56.4%
PA-02 D+22 Brendan Boyle (D) 71.5%
PA-03 D+40 Dwight Evans (D) 100.0%
PA-04 D+11 Madeleine Dean (D) 59.1%
PA-05 D+16 Mary Gay Scanlon (D) 65.3%
PA-06 D+7 Chrissy Houlahan (D) 56.2%
PA-07 D+1 Ryan Mackenzie (R) 50.5%
PA-08 even Rob Bresnahan (R) 50.8%
PA-09 R+16 Dan Meuser (R) 70.5%
PA-10 even Scott Perry (R) 50.6%
PA-11 R+9 Lloyd Smucker (R) 62.9%
PA-12 D+13 Summer Lee (D) 56.4%
PA-13 R+20 John Joyce (R) 74.2%
PA-14 R+12 Guy Reschenthaler (R) 66.6%
PA-15 R+16 Glenn Thompson (R) 71.5%
PA-16 R+8 Mike Kelly (R) 63.7%
PA-17 D+6 Chris Deluzio (D) 53.9%
RI-01 D+15 Gabe Amo (D) 63.0%
RI-02 D+7 Seth Magaziner (D) 58.2%
SC-01 R+6 Nancy Mace (R) 58.2%
SC-02 R+7 Joe Wilson (R) 59.5%
SC-03 R+20 Sheri Biggs (R) 71.7%
SC-04 R+11 William Timmons (R) 59.7%
SC-05 R+10 Ralph Norman (R) 63.5%
SC-06 D+15 James Clyburn (D) 59.5%
SC-07 R+11 Russell Fry (R) 64.9%
SD-00 R+13 Dusty Johnson (R) 72.0%
TN-01 R+28 Diana Harshbarger (R) 78.1%
TN-02 R+15 Tim Burchett (R) 69.3%
TN-03 R+16 Chuck Fleischmann (R) 67.5%
TN-04 R+19 Scott DesJarlais (R) 70.0%
TN-05 R+7 Andy Ogles (R) 56.9%
TN-06 R+14 John Rose (R) 68.0%
TN-07 R+8 Mark E. Green (R) 59.5%
TN-08 R+20 David Kustoff (R) 72.3%
TN-09 D+22 Steve Cohen (D) 71.3%
TX-01 R+25 Nathaniel Moran (R) 100.0%
TX-02 R+13 Dan Crenshaw (R) 65.7%
TX-03 R+9 Keith Self (R) 62.5%
TX-04 R+15 Pat Fallon (R) 68.4%
TX-05 R+12 Lance Gooden (R) 64.1%
TX-06 R+14 Jake Ellzey (R) 65.7%
TX-07 D+14 Lizzie Fletcher (D) 61.3%
TX-08 R+15 Morgan Luttrell (R) 68.2%
TX-09 D+26 Al Green (D) 100.0%
TX-10 R+11 Michael McCaul (R) 63.6%
TX-11 R+22 August Pfluger (R) 100.0%
TX-12 R+10 Craig Goldman (R) 63.5%
TX-13 R+23 Ronny Jackson (R) 100.0%
TX-14 R+15 Randy Weber (R) 68.7%
TX-15 R+1 Monica De La Cruz (R) 57.1%
TX-16 D+16 Veronica Escobar (D) 59.5%
TX-17 R+13 Pete Sessions (R) 66.3%
TX-18 D+24 Sylvester Turner (D) 69.4%
TX-19 R+24 Jodey Arrington (R) 80.7%
TX-20 D+16 Joaquin Castro (D) 100.0%
TX-21 R+12 Chip Roy (R) 61.9%
TX-22 R+10 Troy Nehls (R) 62.1%
TX-23 R+4 Tony Gonzales (R) 62.3%
TX-24 R+8 Beth Van Duyne (R) 60.3%
TX-25 R+17 Roger Williams (R) 99.4%
TX-26 R+11 Brandon Gill (R) 62.1%
TX-27 R+13 Michael Cloud (R) 66.0%
TX-28 D+4 Henry Cuellar (D) 52.8%
TX-29 D+19 Sylvia Garcia (D) 65.3%
TX-30 D+27 Jasmine Crockett (D) 84.9%
TX-31 R+11 John Carter (R) 64.4%
TX-32 D+14 Julie Johnson (D) 60.5%
TX-33 D+24 Marc Veasey (D) 68.8%
TX-34 D+8 Vicente Gonzalez (D) 51.3%
TX-35 D+22 Greg Casar (D) 67.4%
TX-36 R+17 Brian Babin (R) 69.4%
TX-37 D+25 Lloyd Doggett (D) 74.2%
TX-38 R+11 Wesley Hunt (R) 62.7%
UT-01 R+12 Blake Moore (R) 63.1%
UT-02 R+10 Celeste Maloy (R) 58.0%
UT-03 R+12 Mike Kennedy (R) 66.4%
UT-04 R+15 Burgess Owens (R) 63.4%
VA-01 R+5 Rob Wittman (R) 56.3%
VA-02 R+1 Jen Kiggans (R) 50.7%
VA-03 D+17 Bobby Scott (D) 70.0%
VA-04 D+16 Jennifer McClellan (D) 67.3%
VA-05 R+6 John McGuire (R) 57.3%
VA-06 R+12 Ben Cline (R) 63.1%
VA-07 D+1 Eugene Vindman (D) 51.2%
VA-08 D+25 Don Beyer (D) 71.5%
VA-09 R+21 Morgan Griffith (R) 72.5%
VA-10 D+5 Suhas Subramanyam (D) 52.1%
VA-11 D+17 Gerry Connolly (D) 66.7%
VT-00 D+13 Becca Balint (D) 62.3%
WA-01 D+13 Suzan DelBene (D) 63.0%
WA-02 D+10 Rick Larsen (D) 63.8%
WA-03 R+3 Marie Gluesenkamp Perez (D) 51.7%
WA-04 R+11 Dan Newhouse (R) 52.0%
WA-05 R+7 Michael Baumgartner (R) 60.6%
WA-06 D+8 Emily Randall (D) 56.7%
WA-07 D+36 Pramila Jayapal (D) 83.9%
WA-08 D+1 Kim Schrier (D) 54.0%
WA-09 D+21 Adam Smith (D) 65.4%
WA-10 D+7 Marilyn Strickland (D) 58.5%
WI-01 R+1 Bryan Steil (R) 54.0%
WI-02 D+22 Mark Pocan (D) 70.1%
WI-03 R+2 Derrick Van Orden (R) 51.3%
WI-04 D+27 Gwen Moore (D) 74.8%
WI-05 R+12 Scott Fitzgerald (R) 64.4%
WI-06 R+8 Glenn Grothman (R) 61.2%
WI-07 R+10 Tom Tiffany (R) 63.6%
WI-08 R+8 Tony Wied (R) 57.3%
WV-01 R+19 Carol Miller (R) 66.4%
WV-02 R+18 Riley Moore (R) 70.8%
WY-00 R+24 Harriet Hageman (R) 70.6%


Update: Either we caught them on a good day or they've decided to drop the paywall for some reason, but the 2025 Cook PVI ratings are currently available even for non-subscribers! We still believe that more data means greater precision, but now readers can compare the two sets of ratings and decide for themselves.

Tags:

PVI Charlie Cook U.S. House Ratings More Data = More Accuracy


3/13/2024: [Ohio] If the presidential slate is set, will Ohio's GOP voters still show up for the U.S. Senate primary? [Ohio Capital Journal]


Photo credit: WCMH-TV

The photo shows the three GOP Senate candidates, Larry, Moe(reno) and Curly, during a recent debate. Leftist Matt Dolan is the stooge who is positioned on the right. Moreno isn't really a stooge of course, but he's certainly surrounded by them here. Speaking of being positioned on the right, the gaslighting article which accompanies that photo was written by an ultra-liberal NPR media twerp and therefore reads like a Dolan campaign commercial.


The past: In 2022 in many important statewide elections, there was nothing to vote for in the Democrat primaries because their nominee had already been anointed. The same is true in 2024. That means Democrat party puppetmasters and Democrat voters are free to spend time and money influencing the outcome of Republican primary elections for their own benefit.

Like Nimrod Haley did during the brief time when she was supposedly a viable presidential candidate, other liberal Republicans like Matt Dolan are desperately seeking Democrat votes in their primary battles against actual Republicans. This is nothing new for Dolan, a left-wing state legislator who ran for the U.S. Senate in 2022 and is running again this year. In 2022 he begged Democrats to vote for him in the GOP primary, because otherwise he stood zero chance against Trump-endorsed J.D. Vance.

That tactic came closer to succeeding than it should have. In polls taken only a few weeks before the 2022 Ohio primary, Dolan was barely cracking double-digits in what was essentially a three-way race with Vance and Josh Mandel. Mandel, the former state Treasurer, had been a milquetoast candidate against Sherrod Brown in 2012 and Brown mopped the floor with him. That happened despite the fact that the Republicans actually competed on nearly equal financial footing with the Democrat, which has become quite an uncommon occurrence in contested states since that time.

With the help of thousands of Democrat voters and the endorsements of other liberal Republicans, Dolan surged in the final voting to over 23%, just a fraction of a percentage point behind Mandel. Vance of course won that primary, but with barely 30% of the overall vote. Vance didn't break the one-third mark even though he had the endorsement of Donald Trump and the endorsement of former primary opponent Bernie Moreno. Moreno had dropped out of the race in February of 2022, heroically sacrificing his campaign in order to avoid a damaging split of the conservative primary vote.



The present: There's another three-way race in Ohio in 2024 for the Republican nomination to the U.S. Senate. Having patiently waited his turn, Moreno is back for another run and has Trump's endorsement. That endorsement was made in December but, oddly, has not resulted in a great leap forward for Moreno in the polls. The next poll after Trump's blessing actually showed Moreno with a smaller lead over liberal Dolan and moderate Ohio Secretary of State Frank LaRose.

Subsequent polls did show a small bump for Bernie, however a poll which came out this morning puts Moreno down by 3 points to the liberal Dolan with many voters still undecided less than one week from election day. That poll also shows incumbent ultra-liberal Democrat Sherrod Brown winning vs. all three GOP candidates though not yet breaking 40% against any of them.

Brown, like all Democrat Senate nominees in competitive states, has an astronomical advantage in campaign cash over his Republican challengers. LaRose in particular has practically nothing to work with compared to his opponents in both parties. As of the end of February, Brown had raised over $33 million with nearly $14 million of it still in the bank. Dolan and Moreno each are somewhere around $2.4 million while LaRose has the piddly total of $591,000 cash-on-hand. That's not enough to compete for a hotly-contested U.S. House race in a single district these days, nevermind trying to run a statewide campaign in Ohio on such a thin shoestring.

Article author Nick Evans, evidently writing on behalf of the Dolan campaign, describes the liberal legislator as "quite conservative". This causes the remainder of the article to be read through tears of laughter by anyone who is actually familiar with Dolan. In an attempt to make Dolan palatable to other supposedly conservative Trump-haters, Evans ludicrously claims that Dolan has worked feverishly to enact the "Trump agenda" in Ohio while at the same time distancing himself from the President as much as possible.

Insofar as a political candidate is known by the company he keeps, Dolan is supported by Rob Portman, the former senator and squish who is still highly regarded in RINO circles; and the highest-ranking squish in the state, wimpy Governor Mike DeWine. LaRose is doing just about as well with high-profile endorsements as he is with campaign fundraising (pretty much none at all of either one). LaRose does have the support of liberal Republican congressman Mike Turner of Dayton.

Moreno not only has Trump in his corner, but also solid conservatives such as Senators Mike Lee, Ted Cruz, Rand Paul, J.D. Vance, Tommy Tuberville, Marsha Blackburn and others with whom Moreno will work as part of the opposition (non-RINO) caucus in the Senate if he is elected. He is also endorsed by bigwigs such as Jim Jordan, Kari Lake, Vivek Ramaswamy, Donald Trump Jr. and (oh well) Newt Gingrich. Like them or not, they are all conservative heavyweights or were in the past (Gingrich).



Insofar as a political candidate is known by what he has actually done legislatively, here is Matt Dolan's record:
  • Pro-abortionist
  • Anti-gun
  • Supported "contact tracing" and dictatorial powers for "health" officials during the plandemic
  • Opposed arming teachers (or any armed security) in dangerous urban schools or ghetto-ized suburban schools
  • Supports the Democrat vote-buying tactic of student loan "forgiveness"
  • Supports "green" energy mandates
  • Favors higher property taxes
  • Favors taxpayer-financed handouts in corrupt ghetto areas under the guise of "neighborhood development"

Yeah Nicky, he's quite the conservative.

There is only one logical conclusion, and it's addressed to only one candidate though it's probably already too late to have a significant effect:

Drop out now, Mr. LaRose, and endorse Bernie Moreno. Don't be the person responsible for giving the puppetmasters, the media, and other Democrats a win-win in November.

Tags:

2024 Senate Ohio Moreno & the Two Stooges Win-win for Democrats


1/28/2024: [Ohio] Trump ally rises as top GOP candidate against Ohio's Sherrod Brown [The Hill]

The headline is premature since no polls (yet) show what the title claims. But it's never too early for the liberal media to begin focusing their attacks on a Republican candidate, and tying one to Trump is -- they think -- a winning strategy. It usually is, but not always. Like just two years ago in Ohio, for example.

Dysfunctional Republicans have a habit of shooting themselves in the foot via divisive primaries in critical statewide elections -- mainly because the liberal wing of the party will never back a conservative in the general election and will often actually work against one; lukewarm support like J.D. Vance got here in 2022 is pretty much all that a non-liberal GOP candidate can expect. The establishment, which controls the all-important purse strings, much prefers a liberal Democrat to a conservative Republican, and in '22 they got their way in critical Senate races in Arizona, Pennsylvania and Alaska, came close in Wisconsin and North Carolina, and only grudgingly made a token effort to help in Ohio.

This sort of fracturing and backstabbing is something Democrats never go for. First of all, they make certain that the field is clear for their chosen candidate in a Senate primary in any winnable state, thus avoiding the divisiveness. Then they support their nominees with the vast resources of their campaign finance money laundries. Deliberately sabotaging one's own nominees is idiotic, which is why only Republicans do that and not Democrats.

In a state which is not winnable for Democrats, like Missouri in 2022, they let the losers battle it out with their own money in the primary to see which one gets the honor of being stomped in the general election. They don't waste time or money on lost causes, while the Republican party, with its comparatively limited resources, starves winnable candidates in order to waste cash on ludicrously unlikely pipe dreams in places like Colorado and Washington (both of which were lost by two touchdowns), as they did in '22.

Also, the Rats do not care how outrageously liberal a candidate is and they quite obviously do not demand that only the most squishy centrist be their party's choice. If a supposedly moderate candidate can't beat a drooling liberal (see the 2022 Senate Democrat primary in Pennsylvania, for example) then the drooler is the nominee and the entire party apparatus immediately gets in line behind him.

Need proof? We've published this data before, but here again are the campaign spending figures for the swing-state Senate races in 2022. All figures shown are in millions of dollars:

StateDemocrat $Republican $
Arizona$192.4$15.5
Georgia$326.1$68.7
Nevada$64.4$18.6
New Hampshire$42.2$4.2
North Carolina$38.9$15.7
Ohio$57.7$15.6
Pennsylvania$75.7$49.4
Wisconsin$41.8$35.7


In 2022 Senate races in North Carolina and Ohio the anointed Democrats were basically unopposed in their primaries and were very well-supported financially; unlike GOP Senate candidates everywhere, who were drastically outspent. The Rats lost those two races anyway, but did (almost) everything possible to win them.

In the 2020 Senate elections they cleared the field in Colorado, Georgia twice and North Carolina, were fully united, and picked up 3 of those 4 seats.

In 2018 the same applied to Arizona and Nevada and both were successful pickups. Now in 2024 the liberal GOP establishment is, as usual, ramming "moderates" down our throats and marginalizing the supporters of "can't-win" conservatives in West Virginia and Montana and to some extent Ohio, which are the only three states where Republicans have a viable chance of flipping Senate seats from D to R. WV is a sure pickup no matter who the Republicans nominate (they still greatly prefer the squishy old Governor over the young conservative Rep.) and MT and OH are tossups at best.

In Ohio, with pro-abortionist/anti-2A state senator Matt Dolan clearly on the left no matter what fakes to the center his campaign tries, and Bernie Moreno supposedly on the right, Secretary of State Frank Larose is in the middle and will be the deciding factor in the GOP Senate primary -- can he take enough votes to win, and if he doesn't quite accomplish that then which of the other two candidates does he steal the most from to deprive them of the win? Does he split the center-right vote and make Dolan the nominee, or does he split the center-left vote and inadvertently help Moreno? Dolan, a la Nikki Haley, will beg for (and get) support from Democrat interlopers voting in the Republican primary; that is a scheme which he also used in 2022.



The most recent poll in this race is over a month old and favors Moreno -- but with merely 22% for him, and 44% still undecided. None of the three frontrunners are remotely close to pulling away from the others yet, and that may never happen unless one drops out. Larose is currently coming up way short in the money battle, but even Dolan and Moreno combined have less campaign cash-on-hand than liberal incumbent Democrat Sherrod Brown.

Trump endorsed Moreno back in December, a few days before Christmas. Trump's blessing is usually good as gold in a primary (and normally a lead balloon in all but the safest general elections, cherry-picked "winning percentage" aside), and no polls have apparently been taken since that endorsement of Moreno. Bernie ought to get a nice bump in the next one. If or when he becomes the clear favorite however, the media will begin to savage him even harder than the linked article at the top of this commentary does.

Tags:

2024 Senate Ohio Bernie Moreno for the win!


4/9/2023: [Montana] GOP lawmakers target Tester re-election bid with 'jungle primary' bill [Helena Independent Record]


Photo credit: Thom Bridge, Independent Record

This bill has not yet become law, but Democrats are already howling with outrage because Republicans in Montana are attempting to craft an election law which exactly matches the ones used -- to great Democrat benefit -- in states such as California and Washington. Except this time the benefit, tiny though it may be, would accrue to the GOP. Hence the hypocritical outrage from the left.

The idea is to make the November, 2024 U.S. Senate election a 1-on-1 race with no interference from minor party candidates. Tester has won three times previously, with percentages of 49.2% in 2006, 48.6% in 2012, and 50.3% in 2018. In all 3 cases, the candidacy of a Libertarian was engineered in order to cost the GOP candidate enough votes to lose the election. It worked perfectly twice, and even in 2018 when Tester finally got over 50% the Libertarian eventually discovered how he was being used and manipulated, and he withdrew from the race and endorsed the Republican. But he bailed out too late to affect the outcome.

There remains the little matter of determining who the GOP nominee will be in 2024. The filing deadline is still 11 months away so there's plenty of time, however no serious Republican has as yet entered the race. One or both of the state's U.S. House incumbents (Zinke, Rosendale) probably will file. So too may some others who already hold statewide office.

Because there will be only one primary ballot instead of separate ones for each party if this law passes, Democrats will not so easily be able to utilize their effective scheme from 2022 in which leftist voters invade the Republican primary (as they did in Colorado, for example) to try to help the weakest candidates prevail.

Even with one or more good candidates running for the GOP -- preferably only one -- liberals may resort to old tricks such as placing bogus "conservatives" on the primary ballot in order to split the right-wing vote and ensure that the most liberal of the big-names becomes the Republican nominee; this obviously creates as much of a win-win scenario for the left as possible. Democrats won't have to sabotage conservatives all by themselves; the GOP establishment will be happy to take charge of that particular task.

Tags:

Senate 2024 Montana Jon Tester No more Libertarian assistance?