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Demographics and Elections Commentary tagged with 2025

10/24/2025: November 2025 Gubernatorial Elections -- New Jersey & Virginia [RightDataUSA]

Although the elections may be tantalizingly close (in truth, they probably won't be that close), the likeliest outcome for the Republicans is. . .

The races have generally (but not consistently) been tightening in both states, especially according to polling organizations which are classified as Republican-leaning by liberal media sources. Some hardcore leftists (e.g. Washington Post) are cheerleading for a Democrat blowout in Virginia, but the ones who attempt to be less transparently liberal have the contests being tighter. Close though the races may be, as things stand now both Jack Ciattarelli (NJ) and Winsome Earle-Sears (VA) appear to be heading for losses. It's up to the good voters of New Jersey and Virginia to get out and vote and prove the pollsters wrong.

We'll start with a look at New Jersey.


Photo credit: inquirer.com

Background:

In 2025 Ciattarelli is making his third attempt for Governor of New Jersey. The three-term state legislator ran in 2017 and finished second in the Republican primary to Kim Guadagno, the two-term (2010-2017) Lt. Gov. under Governor Tubba Goo.

In 2021 Ciatterelli came closer than expected to an upset victory after starting 15 to 20 points down in early general election polls. Even polls taken in late October (by Democrat-college groups such as Emerson, Rutgers, Farleigh Dickinson & Monmouth) anticipated incumbent Democrat Phil Murphy being victorious by 6 to 10 points. Only the Trafalgar Group (R) came close to getting it right, predicting a 4-point loss for the challenger; Ciattarelli lost by 84,000 votes (3.2%).

Murphy was first elected in 2017 by vastly outspending Republican nominee Guadagno, as well as by capitalizing on the massive unpopularity of outgoing Republican Governor Chris Christie, to whom Guadagno was constantly linked. That election result maintained New Jersey's habit of alternating parties every 8 years in gubernatorial elections, a pattern which has held since 1993 when ultra-liberal Republican Christine Todd Whitman denied Democrat Jim "Flimflam" Florio a second term by eking out a surprising 1-point victory. Florio later claimed that he was "one of the first victims of modern right-wing talk radio", LOL. Democrats are likely to break that alternating pattern in 2025 as things stand now.


Photo credit: app.com

The 2021 election was mainly a referendum on Murphy's first term, with Ciatterelli being regarded as sufficiently bland and moderate to avoid alienating potential crossover Democrat voters which any Jersey Republican requires in order to have a chance of winning a statewide election. Murphy is a huge supporter of the illegal importation of new Democrat voters from foreign countries, and he designated New Jersey as a sanctuary state. He also took several steps to hinder the deportation of illegals (such as not permitting law enforcement to ask about immigration status), but by 2021 many New Jersey voters had grown weary of the invasion and their disaffection hurt Murphy's re-election chances. Nor were the voters pleased with the numerous tax increases which were passed by the overwhelmingly Democrat NJ legislature.

Unlike 2017, Republicans were able to compete on almost equal financial footing in 2021 in the expensive gubernatorial election. The same applies in 2025, though as we head into the final days of the race the Democrat has substantially more cash on hand, and therefore will likely be more visible in the media than Ciatterelli (nevermind the media bias advantage the Democrat already holds for free).

Ciattarelli won 6 of New Jersey's 12 congressional districts in 2021 -- including the one represented by 2025 Democrat nominee Mikie Sherrill. Sherrill is currently in her fourth term in the House, and is a member in good standing of the far-left wing of her party. She was first elected in the anti-Trump year of 2018 in what at the time was a tossup district (NJ-11) centered on upscale, suburban Morris County.

Until 2018 Morris County had been forever represented in Congress by liberal Republicans such as Rodney Frelinghuysen. Like several other squishy Republicans in the House, the staunchly anti-Trump Frelinghuysen picked 2018 to retire. The 72-year-old, 12-term representative was not comfortable being "forced" to toe the party line and support a president whom he despised. Frelinghuysen abandoned his House seat, hoping (or knowing) that he would be replaced by a Democrat who would help the new Democrat majority thwart Trump's legislative agenda and begin Trump's congressional persecution.

Morris County seems to have recently begun a journey away from the left and back towards the center, voting for Trump in 2024 after giving Joe Biden a 4.2% victory in 2020. Morris is reliably Republican in other statewide elections too (Murphy lost here twice and it wasn't particularly close), even selecting hapless Curtis Bashaw over Andy Kim in the 2024 Senate race. But in 2022 Democrat gerrymanderers added a larger portion of ghetto Essex County to the district, taking the district from being a complete tossup to favoring Democrats by 5 points. Republicans face an uphill battle to win it 2026 from either Sherrill or whoever her special-election replacement is if Sherrill becomes Governor as expected.


2024 presidential election results in New Jersey

Geography:

We have divided New Jersey into the six geographical regions listed below, shown with the counties which correspond to those regions:

  • South Jersey: Atlantic, Burlington, Camden, Cape May, Cumberland, Gloucester, Salem
  • Central Jersey: Mercer, Middlesex, Somerset
  • West Jersey: Hunterdon, Morris, Sussex, Warren
  • Central Coast: Monmouth, Ocean
  • Urbanized North: Bergen, Passaic
  • Ghetto Jersey: Essex, Hudson, Union

West Jersey and the Central Coast are the most Republican areas of the state; together they normally cast 28-30% of the statewide vote.

Unsurprisingly, Ghetto Jersey is by far the most Democrat area of the state; it normally casts about 18% of the statewide vote and gives a tremendous margin to whatever Rat is running. Of the three recent elections (2017 Governor, 2021 Governor, 2024 President) which we will be focusing on for the purpose of establishing trends, Trump did the best of any GOP candidate in this region, but still received only 32% of the vote.

Central Jersey (epitomized by places such as Trenton, New Brunswick and Princeton) is consistent in its anti-Republicanism and provides approximately a 16-point margin for the Democrat while accounting for 16-17% of the statewide vote.

South Jersey is the largest region both in land area and in the number of votes it casts. It accounts for about 22% of New Jersey's votes and can be marginal. It was heavily against Ciatarelli in 2017 but he nearly won there in 2021 before the region swung back a few points to the left against Trump in 2024.

The Urbanized North is the most marginal region now and is the one which is moving most noticeably to the right although still slightly favoring the left. It is this area which GOP analysts see as the key if they are to win in New Jersey. Republicans have recently been competitive in the 9th congressional district which lies almost entirely in this region, despite being grossly outspent and despite a Democrat gerrymander which explicitly omits the better parts of Passaic County. Ciattarelli improved here by 12 points (net) between 2017 and 2021 and Donald Trump nearly won this region, losing by only 1.5% in 2024.

Region 2017 Gov 2021 Gov 2024 Pres
R% D% R% D% R% D%
South 40.1% 57.6% 48.9% 50.3% 44.8% 53.4%
Central 40.4% 57.3% 42.2% 56.8% 40.8% 56.2%
West 56.0% 41.5% 58.7% 40.4% 53.4% 44.3%
Coast 58.2% 39.7% 62.9% 36.3% 60.7% 37.5%
North 40.5% 57.7% 47.1% 52.2% 47.9% 49.4%
Ghetto 22.7% 75.4% 29.2% 69.9% 32.1% 65.6%

The next table shows the margin of victory (or defeat, if the number is negative) by region for the GOP candidate in these three elections:

Region 2017 Gov 2021 Gov 2024 Pres
South -81,257 -8,373 -78,803
Central -60,958 -61,910 -109,316
West 38,021 61,422 46,721
Coast 63,646 121,577 162,470
North -55,546 -19,767 -9,766
Ghetto -207,433 -177,235 -263,804

Finally, the number of votes cast by region in these three elections, along with its percentage of the statewide vote:

Region 2017 Gov 2021 Gov 2024 Pres
Votes % Votes % Votes %
South 465,678 21.7% 577,652 22.1% 915,264 21.3%
Central 361,063 16.8% 424,344 16.2% 708,761 16.5%
West 261,908 12.2% 334,158 12.8% 512,610 12.0%
Coast 342,862 16.0% 455,910 17.4% 699,631 16.3%
North 323,578 15.1% 388,855 14.9% 664,036 15.5%
Ghetto 393,936 18.3% 435,454 16.6% 787,438 18.4%

One of the keys to the near-upset in the 2021 gubernatorial election was the fact that many ghetto voters (Democrats, obviously) chose to sit that one out rather than vote for Murphy. The share of the statewide vote from Essex, Hudson and Union counties dropped nearly 2 percent. Those voters were re-energized in 2024 to vote against Trump and the statewide vote share from the 3 ghetto counties rebounded to where it had been in 2017.

Anti-Murphy apathy will not be on the ballot in a couple of weeks, but anti-Trump motivation will be -- here and everywhere else where an election is taking place (at least in "blue" areas). As was the case in the disastrous election years of 2017-18, Trump is always "on the ballot" as far as the left is concerned. Turnout in these off-year races isn't quite as meager as it is for little-publicized special elections which often take place at odd times (i.e. not November), but turnout still does not approach presidential-year levels. That means motivation, organization and money are the key factors to generating turnout; Democrats are normally substantially ahead in all 3 of those factors, and it shows.

Voter Registration:


Photo credit: redlineheadlines.com

Scott Presler and his organization have worked diligently over the past couple of years to increase Republican voter registration counts in certain states. Presler focused on Pennsylvania during 2024 and has been given inordinate credit for the GOP victories which occurred there -- Trump's win along with that of Senator Dave McCormick, and the important pickup of two House seats (CD-7 and CD-8) in Eastern PA.

While it is true that the Democrat registration advantage in PA was reduced to 3.1% from 5.6% during 2024 (a net GOP gain of 165,000 registrations in 12 months), the trend in PA has been significantly in the R direction for over 15 years now. Between November of 2008 and November of 2023 the GOP added 210,616 voters in the Keystone State while Democrats diminished by 579,285, a net change of 789,901 in the positive direction for Republicans.

Pennsylvania has apparently "cleaned up" its voter rolls in 2025, with both parties seeing a reduction in registrations:

2024:

  • 3,710,290 R (40.5%)
  • 3,991,381 D (43.6%)
  • 1,460,307 I (15.9%)

2025:
  • 3,642,630 R (40.9%)
  • 3,811,262 D (42.8%)
  • 1,448,470 I (16.3%)

The last time Republicans achieved a 40.9% or greater share of voter registrations in a November election in PA was 2003.

This November, Pennsylvania voters will have the chance to oust 3 Democrat members of the state Supreme Court. Those members, along with their liberal colleagues, have been responsible for the hyper-partisan gerrymander which has affected not only congressional districts in Pennsylvania but state legislative districts as well. These gerrymanders cost Republicans 4 U.S. House seats (almost 6) from 2019-2024 and cost 12 state House seats -- exactly enough to give Democrats control. Republicans have a chance to eliminate some of the justices who caused those events to happen, and perhaps regain control of the PA Supreme Court in the process.


2024 PA voter registration, by county

After 2024, Presler and his vote registrars moved east to New Jersey in an attempt to turn that state "red". As in PA, trends in New Jersey are already favoring Republicans, although these trends have not manifested themselves in any victories. Trump's loss by 5.9% here in 2024 was actually the best showing for a Republican candidate since George Bush lost by only 2.4% in the 3-way election of 1992. Prior to 1992, the GOP won 6 presidential elections in a row in New Jersey before the state's demographics began to head rapidly south.

Recent results have been no better down the ballot, with Chris Christie the only Republican to win statewide since Christie Whitman in 1997; the GOP has not elected a U.S. senator from the Garden State since ultra-liberal Clifford Case in 1972, and the U.S. House districts have been gerrymandered to an extent which limits Republicans to just 3 districts out of 12 (and at least one of those GOP districts, CD-7, is very marginal). Those factors notwithstanding, Trump did a little better statewide than expected in 2024, Jack Ciattarelli almost pulled off a major upset in the most recent gubernatorial election, and there appears to be reason for some optimism on the Republican side going forward.

The trend is also apparent in the New Jersey voter registration figures, to a minor degree.

November 2023:

  • R: 1,541,158 (23.7%)
  • D: 2,504,294 (38.6%)

November 2024:
  • R: 1,628,633 (24.2%)
  • D: 2,534,932 (37.7%)

October 2025:
  • R: 1,670,297 (25.3%)
  • D: 2,525,346 (38.2%)

It is worth noting that a sizable number of New Jersey voters are neither Republicans nor Democrats. If the polls are correct, independents are favoring the Democrat by a substantial amount in the 2025 gubernatorial race.

Going back to 2008, Republicans have added 614,894 voters in New Jersey and Democrats have added 742,790. However the recent data is more affirmative with the GOP registering large gains during 2024 and then almost as many again in 2025. Democrat registration has been stagnant during the past two years. Will the "Presler bump" in 2025 be enough to put Ciattarelli over the top on November 4? Current polling suggests it will not. He may be fortunate to lose by only as much as he did in 2021.

Conclusion:

It is being reported, even by far-left sources that all is not well in Camp Sherrill despite her clear lead in nearly every poll. There has also been fear that black voters and other minorities will turn out at less than their usual rate, as occurred in 2021 (spoiler alert: it isn't going to happen again). The Naval Academy cheating scandal in which both Sherrill and her husband are allegedly involved isn't resonating at all with voters and (shockingly!) isn't being covered in the so-called mainstream media.

Even lefties concede that Sherrill does not generate much enthusiasm, but the fact that New Jersey has nearly 1 million more Democrats than Republicans makes "enthusiasm" a rather moot point in the face of that landslide registration advantage. Furthermore, while comparatively few Democrat and independent voters may be excited about voting for Mikie Sherrill, they are probably quite motivated to vote against Donald Trump clone Jack Ciattarelli. Of course Ciattarelli is no such thing, but hatred is a powerful motivator for Democrats and no facts are going to be allowed to impede that hatred.

Final prediction: Sherrill prevails by 2 to 4 points, with a decent potential for an even greater margin (say, 4-6 points). We'd positively adore being wrong about this outcome, but even if she only wins by 1 then we're still not quite wrong enough.


Virginia:


2024 presidential election result in Virginia

Background:

Although Trump lost the Commonwealth of Virginia in 2024, his margin of defeat (5.7%) was a distinct improvement over 2020 when he lost by over 10 percent; the 2024 outcome was in line with other recent presidential elections in Virginia. There was false optimism in the 2024 U.S. Senate race, where many wishful thinkers believed that Hung Cao would defy the polls and score a major upset over incumbent radical leftist Timmy Kaine, or at least make it a close call. Cao did neither of those things, losing by 9 points which was just a slight tick better than the polls predicted.

Trump's sizable step in the right direction, along with the surprise victory by Republican Glenn Youngkin for Governor in 2021, helps to create the illusion that Virginia is a "purple" state where Republicans have almost as good a chance at winning as Democrats do. In reality, Virginia is slipping behind the rest of the country and becoming "bluer" by the day. Relative to the nationwide percentage of the Republican presidential vote, Trump's 4-point underachievement in VA in 2024 was the worst showing here for a GOP candidate since the 1940's when Virginia was solidly Democrat across the entire ticket. Although Virginia does not register voters by party, recent estimates of party affiliation indicate that Democrats have nearly a 2:1 advantage over Republicans. That's not very purple.

Speaking of Governor Youngkin, his win in 2021 was primarily the result of the stars and planets aligning in his favor, and it is now abundantly clear that Youngkin's electoral success (and that of his party, which gained 7 seats and took control of the state House that year) was a temporary phenomenon.

Youngkin benefited from several factors, which have some parallel to Donald Trump's surprise victory in 2016, and those factors may have also helped Republicans in races down the ballot in Virginia in 2021:


Photo credit: washingtonmonthly.com

  • Youngkin, like Trump in '16, was a political outsider and not a career politician, and both were fortunate to be able to run against the single most repugnant and unlikeable Democrat available at the time (Terry McAuliffe, Hillary Clinton). Former Governor and Clinton crony McAuliffe was a godsend for Youngkin. McAuliffe's abrasive personality and his far-left political positions proved to be quite helpful to the moderate Republican candidate. Furthermore, the Republican was able to compete financially against the Democrat's massive fundraising advantages by contributing significantly to his own campaign. Youngkin distanced himself from Trump (just as McAuliffe was not able to distance himself from Joe Biden) enough to keep moderate and independent voters from rushing to the left.

    The 2021 Republican nominee was aided to a substantial extent by voter revulsion against local school boards (notably in Loudoun County) which were defying parents -- and common sense -- by welcoming the presence of boys in girls' bathrooms and by continually "overstepping parental rights during the pandemic". When a male student raped a female student in a Loudoun County school bathroom in 2021, the incident and the school's mishandling of it rightfully became a national scandal -- at least in the "right wing" media. The liberal media downplayed and/or ignored the story after an initial cursory report, with a majority of voters in upscale, liberal Loudoun County probably being totally unaware of what had occurred right in their own backyard. But many good voters in the rest of the state were aware of this atrocity, and their reaction to it may have helped Youngkin considerably.


  • Virginia is not exactly known for the cleanliness of its elections in recent years, but Youngkin was perhaps not taken as seriously by Democrats as he should have been even though he was close or even slightly led McAuliffe in polls which were taken in the closing weeks of the race. Trump also was not given a serious chance to win in 2016, and liberal pollsters right up to election day helped the Democrats maintain their (false) overconfidence; Democrats and Deep Staters of both parties did prepare for the eventuality of Trump's election by fabricating the "Steele Dossier" and all the phony "Russia, Russia, Russia" crap to attempt to hamstring him after the fact, but they apparently didn't put as much -- let's call it "extra effort" -- as usual into achieving their desired electoral outcome in the first place.

    Underestimating the amount of voter support which both Trump and Youngkin actually had, the Democrats apparently did not feel the need to ensure victories by their usual methods (cough, cough). Trump was able to achieve narrow victories in critical states such as Pennsylvania (by 0.7%), Michigan (0.2%), Wisconsin (0.7%) and Florida (1.2%) and thus win the electoral vote despite losing the popular vote by 2.1%. Youngkin improved his party's showing from 2017 in several areas of the state, winning in the Tidewater and Richmond areas, and vastly reducing the deficit in NOVA -- even in Loudon County, but still lost by 11 points there.

    In the aftermath of that glorious 2021 outcome it was reported that one of the major reasons for it was the "Virginia Project", a Republican effort to increase election integrity (something Democrats always oppose) by, for one thing, recruiting poll watchers for as many precincts as possible. With 36% of the votes in the 2021 Virginia gubernatorial election being cast early or absentee, the impact of GOP poll watchers was somewhat muted unless they were present when the envelopes were being opened and the ballots counted; their presence on election day was still helpful, though.

    With it seeming to work so well in Virginia that year, the Virginia Project (we were told) would serve as a model for helping ensure the honesty of future elections, and would be expanded to states beyond Virginia. Looking at many important outcomes from 2022 onward, the proponents of the Virginia Project either never implemented their model or it didn't function as well as expected. For one thing, there's much more to the concept of election integrity than poll watchers can accomplish.


  • Even with all of those advantages, both Trump and Youngkin won rather unconvincingly. The mistakes which national Democrats made in 2016 at the presidential level were "rectified" in 2020; the mistakes which Virginia Democrats made in 2021 began to be rectified almost immediately: the 7-seat gain which gave Republicans the Virginia state House starting in 2022 was erased in November of 2023 when Democrats added 3 seats and seized control of the House, 51-49; they have held the state Senate throughout Youngkin's term, by a 21-19 margin.

The candidates:


Photo credit: lifenews.com

GOP nominee Winsome Earle-Sears is an immigrant from Jamaica who arrived in the U.S. at the age of 6. She served in the United States Marine Corps for 4 years in the 1980's and became an American citizen during that time. Her political career commenced in the early 2000's when she won a race for the state House, upsetting a black Democrat who had been in office for two decades. She was the first Republican to win a state House seat in a majority-black district in Virginia since 1865. She later became the state's first female Lieutenant Governor (elected in 2021) and is the first black female to be elected to any statewide office in Virginia.

Although Sears endorsed Donald Trump in 2020 and served as the chairman of a PAC called "Black Americans to Re-elect the President", she broke with Trump in 2022 because she believed that the candidates Trump had endorsed that year were too conservative and therefore unelectable (in fact they weren't elected, but Sears was wrong about the reason for their defeats). At that time Sears declared she would not support Donald Trump's election bid if he were to run in 2024.

Probably for this reason (yeah, "probably"), Trump for a long time refused to support Sears for Governor in 2025, though he belatedly came through with an endorsement earlier this week.

Sears also has the endorsements of Governor Youngkin, state Attorney General Jason Miyares, the entire Virginia Republican congressional delegation, and some congressmen from other states. Sears is pro-life, supports "common sense" tax cuts and government spending cuts, and opposes Democrats' radical pro-crime policies such as "catch and release" and sanctuary cities. She opposes incompetent (but powerfully unionized) teachers and favors school choice and parents' rights. Sears also strongly supports Virginia's "right-to-work" law. These positions stand in stark contrast to that of her allegedly "moderate" Democrat opponent, Abigail Spanberger.


Photo credit: twitchy.com

Spanberger, a native of New Jersey, went from being a substitute schoolteacher and a postal inspector to (as of 2006) being a spy for the Central Intelligence Agency; a rather unique career change. When she first entered politics, Spanberger's CIA resume was sanitized so that it could be declassified and, according to ABC News, the former spook stuck "to carefully scripted lines, approved by the agency, when talking about her work" on the campaign trail.

In 2018 CIAbby was recruited to run against Republican incumbent Dave Brat for a seat in Congress. Brat had irritated many GOP bigwigs by daring to oppose -- and defeat -- golden boy Eric Cantor, a squish who was a member of the GOP leadership (House Majority Leader) when he was shocked by Brat in the 2014 primary. We wrote at length about Brat's situation here, and his parallels to ex-congressman Bob Good. Good, a very solid conservative like Brat, fell out of favor with his party's leadership in 2024, and irritated the biggest bigwig of them all (Donald Trump). Good was defeated in the 2024 primary.

VA-7, the formerly Republican-oriented district in which Brat toppled Cantor and then 4 years later was defeated by Spanberger, was altered to give Democrats a much greater chance of success after 2014. Brat survived in 2016 because the Democrats pretty much gave him a free pass, but in 2018 Spanberger was able to raise and spend over $7 million dollars to purchase that House seat. That was more than double the amount which Brat could raise (or obtain from his indifferent party leadership). The surplus millions which Deep State Abby was able to throw around proved to be critical as she eked out a 1.9% win in the recently-gerrymandered district; her margin of victory came almost exclusively from the new Democrat areas in the Richmond suburbs which were added after 2014.

Democrats spent lavishly while procuring numerous House seats in 2018 and, coincidentally, another new Democrat who was the recipient of an astronomical "investment" that year was New Jersey's Mikie Sherrill who is now her party's gubernatorial nominee in that state.


Photo credit: NRCC

Republicans picked up 13 House seats in 2020 but Spanberger's wasn't one of them although a serious effort was made. Her district, which had been rated as R+10 prior to the 2016 Democrat gerrymander, was still slightly "red" and Republicans had it high on their list of potential pickups. Spanberger, then as now, occasionally talks like a moderate and did cast a highly publicized (and highly choreographed) vote against Nancy Pelosi for Speaker in January, 2019. Spanberger then spent the remainder of her first term in Congress establishing her liberal bona fides, but was able to conceal that fact from the voters.

Nick Freitas, a solid conservative, defeated squishy John McGuire (now a congressman from Virginia's Fifth District) in a contentious Republican party primary convention in July of 2020, and won the right to oppose Spanberger in November. As in 2018, the Republican carried all areas of the district aside from the deteriorating Richmond suburbs, but that was not sufficient to prevail district-wide. Or was it?

In the afternoon of the Wednesday following the 2020 election, Freitas had a lead of a little more than 1,300 votes over Spanberger. Then came the discovery of a "flash drive" by the husband of a Democrat operative in Henrico County, and that flash drive miraculously contained over 14,000 as yet uncounted votes in the 7th District. Just as miraculously, Spanberger happened to receive a tremendous percentage (64%) of those flash votes. The Democrats later found even more votes for CIAbby, making sure that her final margin was outside the range which would require an automatic recount. In 2022, Spanberger spent over $9 million dollars to successfully retain the 7th District seat; redistricting by that time had moved the district even further left in order to help ensure her another term. Spanberger did not seek re-election in 2024 in order to focus on her gubernatorial run.

Geography:

As we did with New Jersey, we have split Virginia into 6 regions:

  • Rural Chesapeake Bay area
  • Greater Richmond
  • Hampton Roads
  • Northern Virginia
  • Piedmont / Southside
  • Shenandoah Valley / Southwest Virginia

Combining some of these regions, Virginia can be divided into three pieces of approximately equal electoral weight. Two of the three nearly always favor Democrats.

NOVA is of course the most Democrat-infested area, teeming with people whose livelihoods depend on the federal government taxpayer. If it were a congressional district it would be rated approximately D+17 based on recent results. It is also the most populous region, casting just under one-third of the state's votes in most elections. The large number of votes which must be counted here undoubtedly explains why NOVA is typically the last area of Virginia to report on election night, wink wink.

The portion of the state which is included in the Piedmont / Southside / Shenandoah / SW Virginia regions accounts for just under 30% of the statewide vote and gives Republicans their biggest margins of any region. The statistically insignificant (barely 2% of the vote), lightly populated Chesapeake Bay counties also support Republicans lately, by almost exactly the same percentages as obtained in the Piedmont / Southside areas.

The Greater Richmond and Hampton Roads regions together outnumber NOVA in total voters, though not by a lot. They solidly favor Democrats in most races, and if a Republican is going to win a statewide election he needs to come close to getting 50% here. Youngkin did that in 2021 (he received about 48%) but Ed Gillespie didn't in 2017 nor did Donald Trump or Hung Cao in 2024. The latter 3 GOP candidates mustered only about 42% or 43% here; Youngkin won statewide, the others did not.

Conclusion:

Unlike in North Carolina in 2024, when the unpopularity of one GOP candidate (Mark Robinson) dragged down the entire statewide ticket although some Republicans won anyway, the presence of violent, feral racist Jay Jones as Democrat nominee for Attorney General has had no impact on other Virginia Democrats in 2025; in fact, Jones still retains about a 50-50 chance of winning himself according to left-wing pollsters. So any Jones Effect on the gubernatorial race which would assist Sears can likely be discounted as non-existent.

As of October 15, campaign finance reports showed that CIAbby had raked in $53.8 million and disbursed $48.4 million. The Sears campaign lags far behind, running on about half of what the Democrat has done in both of those categories. There is also a wide disparity between the two candidates in terms of remaining cash-on-hand, with about a 3:1 advantage to Spanberger as we head into the final days of the campaign.

The Lieutenant Governor race and the one for Attorney General will end up closer than the Sears-Spanberger duel, but Republicans are likely to lose at least one of those two downballot tilts, and quite possibly both. There is some chance that they could win both (while still losing for Governor), but that is less likely barring a significant change in fortunes between now and November 4.

The Virginia state Senate has been in Rat hands since they picked up the two seats they needed in 2019. It's been status quo since then, with the Republicans needing one seat to forge a tie and two to take control. With the L.G. probably going Democrat in 2025, one seat isn't going to be enough. The state Senate map for this decade has been gerrymandered to favor Democrats, and under those conditions the GOP is doing well to merely be down 21-19. A similarly gerrymandered state House map also strongly favors Democrats; again, the GOP has done well to even keep it close. The forecast for this November is not sunny for Virginia Republicans at the state legislative level, and they are going to need overachieve just a little more if there is any hope of thwarting the agenda of "Governor Spanberger". Ugh.

Tags:

2025 Governor New Jersey Virginia